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The rapid and sudden collapse of the regime
The scene was beyond comprehension: the joy that Syrians felt at the fall of the regime came hand in hand with the revelation of horrific facts about the crimes committed in secret. As prisoners began to be released, Syria started to face what had been hidden from it for decades: the reality of these prisons, the brutal torture, the forced disappearances. Syrians had long heard the warnings the walls have ears and whoever goes there doesn't come back, but reality turned out to be far worse than they'd imagined.
The Assad regime exceeded their worst nightmares. As the prisons started to be liberated and the prisoners released, horrific stories began to emerge with them.
Women thrown in prison without a clear charge, just because they expressed their opinions or because one of their family members was part of the opposition. Some had been raped inside Assad’s prisons and came out with children, the identity of the fathers unknown. They will face a difficult battle outside.
Despite the overwhelming joy, the mixed feelings Syrians are experiencing have very much to do with the fear that women cannot shake: what will happen to Syrian women in light of the victory of the hardline armed opposition? Knowing that they’ve already been subjected to numerous violations in areas previously under the opposition’s control in northwestern Syria? Will the same occur in all of Syria?
Women in Assad’s prisons
To this day, attention is still very much on Sednaya prison, the greatest symbol of oppression in Syria. It’s as if the liberation of those detained inside it liberated all of Syria, every refugee who fled the brutality of the regime.
The scenes of detainees being released were chilling. They seemed to be coming out of a long nightmare that had finally ended. One prisoner came out carrying another on his back, as he was unable to move due to extreme emaciation. For a second, he could have been mistaken for a small child, so thin and weak he’d become.
Another prisoner was released physically, but her psyche remained trapped in the shock of her detention. She seemed absent, responding to people in a confused manner, her eyes fixed on the distant horizon as if she were looking for an invisible exit. The darkness of the regime had taken hold deep within her, holding her captive even after her release.
The release of a child no older than three revealed just how ugly the regime had gotten. How could a child of this age pose a threat to Assad or his regime? That scene was a shock to the entire world—Arabs and others alike.
A number of other security branches and prisons also inflicted the same kinds of horrors on detainees. In the Palestine Branch, detainees experienced endless torture. Ironically, the regime named one of its most hideous prisons after Palestine after claiming to stand by the Palestinian cause. It did not hesitate to arrest, torture, and kill hundreds of Palestinian refugees and displace thousands of others.
But mothers had the lion’s share of pain and suffering. Hundreds of mothers kept eagerly waiting for their sons, holding on to any thread that might lead them to their children after years of loss and separation. Unfortunately, they were disappointed, ultimately unable to find their loved ones. These tragic, unforgettable moments will remain etched in Syrians’ collective memory. The scenes of mothers and fathers going from one prison office to another, looking for any trace of their loved ones on the ID cards of detainees, were absolutely heart-wrenching.
On the walls of al-Mujtahid Hospital in central Damascus, photos were plastered of the faces of tortured corpses in the hope that families would be able to identify their loved ones. Fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters stood around them, looking at the photos in horror.
Thousands of families flocked to the prisons of Damascus searching for their missing loved ones. But not everyone found the people they were looking for. The fate of many remains unknown. Were they brutally liquidated by the regime? A question that remains unanswered, one that shapes the legacy of oppression that fell with the regime.
Thousands of families flocked to the prisons of Damascus searching for their missing loved ones. But not everyone found the people they were looking for.
Women resisting oppression
The fall of this regime was less chaotic than the fall of others. Despite the fear that Syrians felt—especially the minorities among them—at the possibility of widespread acts of revenge or liquidation on a sectarian basis, the Military Operations Department led by Abu Mohammad al-Jolani was clear in its orders to prevent fighters from targeting or harming minorities. But some doubt that these decisions might be temporary and could change over time. Some individual incidents have occurred against prior members of the Syrian regime’s army, raising broader concerns despite the reassurances.
Even though the Operations Department issued a decision prohibiting any interference in women’s dress and the imposing of modesty codes, a step that was welcomed as a positive sign, some have tried to interfere in women’s affairs and their dress codes. These incidents started to spread like wildfire, increasing fears and doubts.
In the end, Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham had relied on Sharia law to govern Idlib, which legitimates people’s fears as they seek a civil, democratic state that accommodates all differences within Syrian society.
The transitional government has not included any female representation, angering many activists and human rights organizations that have been calling for strengthening the role of women in politics and decision-making. What’s more, the appointment of Shadi al-Waisi as Minister of Justice in the transitional government has sparked widespread controversy, not only because of his lack of a specialized legal background—he studied Islamic Sharia law instead of law—but also because of statements he’s made hinting at his intention to expand the Sharia-based legal framework to all of Syria.
Such a move raises serious concerns regarding the restriction of personal freedoms, the marginalization of religious and ethnic minorities, and the imposing of a single vision on a diverse and complex society. It’s worth noting that this legal framework was previously adopted by the Salvation Government that controlled Idlib in recent years, which brings to mind the transformations that the region witnessed under the control of armed groups with extremist religious orientations.
The central role of women
All these developments reflect the ongoing conflict among different currents over the identity and the legal and political future of the Syrian state. This comes at a time when people are suffering from deep division and have an urgent need for stability and national reconciliation.
In this context, many women have taken brave stances against attempts at having guardianship imposed on them, especially from some members of the armed opposition who tried to force some women entering specific areas to wear the hijab. One woman responded firmly, “Didn’t you come to liberate us? How can you force us to wear the hijab?” Such bold responses are not simply a rejection of male dominance or attempts at extremism: they are the expression of the collective will of all women refusing to be victims of any ideology that seeks to undermine their freedoms.
This highlights the vital role that women play in defending their rights and freedoms. It shows that their resistance is not just a personal act but part of a wider struggle that aims to achieve a more just and equal society.
The need for mature human rights and political voices—from both women and men—is becoming more and more urgent in this turbulent landscape, in order to draw a roadmap based on the foundations of justice and equal civil rights that include everyone without discrimination.
